Pope Pius XII's 1943 encyclical Divino afflante Spiritu^[4] gave a renewed impetus to Catholic Bible studies and encouraged the production of new Bible translations from the original languages. This led to a pastoral attempt to get ordinary Catholics to re-discover the Bible, to read it, to make it a source of their spiritual life. This found a response in very limited circles. By 1960, the movement was still progressing slowly.^[5][6]

By the 1930s, mainstream theology based on neo-scholasticism and papal encyclicals was being rejected by some theologians as dry and uninspiring. Thus was the movement, called ressourcement, the return to the sources: basing theology directly on the Bible and the Church Fathers. Some theologians also began to discuss new topics, such as the history of theology, the theology of work, ecumenism, the theology of the laity, and the theology of "earthly realities".^[7]

The writings, whose new style came to be called la nouvelle théologie ('the new theology'), attracted Rome's attention, and in 1950 Pius XII published Humani generis, an encyclical "concerning some false opinions threatening to undermine the foundations of Catholic doctrine". Without citing specific people, he criticized those who advocated new schools of theology. It was generally understood that the encyclical was directly against the nouvelle théologie as well as developments in ecumenism and Bible studies. Some works were placed on the Index of Prohibited Books, and some of the authors were forbidden to teach or to publish. Those who suffered most were Henri de Lubac SJ and Yves Congar OP, who were unable to teach or publish until the death of Pius XII in 1958. By the early 1960s, other theologians under suspicion included Karl Rahner SJ and the young Hans Küng.^{[citation needed]}

In addition, there was the unfinished business of the First Vatican Council (1869–70). When it had been cut short by the Italian Army's entry into Rome at the end of Italian unification, the only topics that had been completed were the theology of the papacy and the relationship of faith and reason, while the theology of the episcopate and of the laity were left unaddressed.^[8][9] The task of the Second Vatican Council in continuing and completing the work of the first was noted by Pope Paul VI in his encyclical letter Ecclesiam Suam (1964).^{[10]: Paragraph 30}

At the same time, the world's bishops were challenged by political, social, economic, and technological change. Some of those bishops^[who?] were seeking new ways of addressing those challenges.

Pope John XXIII gave notice of his intention to convene a diocesan synod for Rome and an ecumenical council for the universal church on 25 January 1959,^[11] less than three months after his election in October 1958.^[12][a] His announcement, in the chapter hall of the Benedictine monastery attached to the Basilica of Saint Paul Outside the Walls in Rome, came as a surprise to the cardinals present.^[14]

He had tested the idea only ten days before with one of them, his Cardinal Secretary of State Domenico Tardini, who gave enthusiastic support to the idea.^[15] Although the pope later said the idea came to him in a flash in his conversation with Tardini, two cardinals had earlier attempted to interest him in the idea. They were two of the most conservative, Ernesto Ruffini and Alfredo Ottaviani, who had already in 1948 proposed the idea to Pius XII and who put it before John XXIII on 27 October 1958.^[16]

Over the next 3 years, the Pope would make many statements describing the results he expected from the council. They formed something like 3 concentric circles:^[17]

1. For the Catholic Church, he expected a renewal which he described variously as a "new Pentecost", a "new Springtime", a new "blossoming", "a rejuvenation with greater vigour of the Body of Christ that is the Church".^[18] This would be achieved by the "updating" (aggiornamento) or "adapting" of Church practices to new circumstances^[19] and a restatement of her beliefs in a way that would connect with modern man.^[20]
2. Within the wider Christian family, he sought progress toward reunion of all Christians.^[21]
3. For the whole human family, he expected the council to contribute toward resolving major social and economic problems, such as war, hunger, underdevelopment.^[22]

Two less solemn statements are attributed to John XXIII about the purpose of the council. One is about opening the windows of the Church to let in some fresh air;^[23] the other about shaking off the imperial dust accumulated on the throne of St. Peter. The source for the second statement is Cardinal Léger of Montréal, as reported by Congar.^[24] The first statement has been repeated so many times as to be extremely difficult to verify.^{[citation needed]}

Once the officials of the Curia had recovered from their shock at the Pope's announcement of a Council, they realized that it could be the culmination of the Church's program of resistance to Protestantism, the Enlightenment and all the other perceived errors of the modern world. It was also seen as an opportunity to give the stamp of conciliar infallibility to the teachings of the most recent popes and to the Curia's vision of the role of the Church in the modern world, provided the Pope could be convinced to forget about aggiornamento.^{[clarification needed][25]}

On the other side were those theologians and bishops who had been working towards a new way of doing things, some of whom had been silenced and humiliated by the Curia in the 1940s and 1950s. For them, the council came as a "divine surprise",^[26] the opportunity to convince the bishops of the world to turn away from a fortress-like defensive attitude to the modern world and set off in a new direction towards a renewed theology of the Church and of the laity, ecumenism and the reform of the liturgy.^[27]

The council was officially summoned by the apostolic constitution Humanae Salutis on 25 December 1961.^[28][29]

Preparation for the council took over three years, from the summer of 1959 to the autumn of 1962.

The first year was known officially as the "antepreparatory period". On 17 May 1959, Pope John appointed an Antepreparatory Commission to conduct a vast consultation of the Catholic world concerning topics to be examined at the council. Three groups of people were consulted: the bishops of the world, the Catholic universities and faculties of theology, and the departments of the Curia. By the following summer, 2,049 individuals and institutions had replied with 9,438 individual vota ("wishes"). Some were typical of past ways of doing things, asking for new dogmatic definitions or condemnations of errors. Others were in the spirit of aggiornamento, asking for reforms and new ways of doing things.

The next two years (known officially as the "preparatory period") were occupied with preparing the drafts, called schemas, that would be submitted to the bishops for discussion at the council. On 5 June 1960, ten Preparatory Commissions were created, to which a total of 871 bishops and experts were appointed.^[30] Each preparatory commission had the same area of responsibility as one of the main departments of the Curia and was chaired by the cardinal who headed that department. From the 9,438 proposals, a list of topics was created, and these topics were parcelled out to these commissions according to their area of competence.

Some commissions prepared a separate schema for each topic they were asked to treat, others a single schema encompassing all the topics they were handed. These were the preparatory commissions and the number of schemas they prepared:

Two secretariats – one the offshoot of an existing Vatican office, the other a new body – also had a part in drafting schemas:

The total number of schemas was 70. As most of these preparatory bodies were predominantly conservative, the schemas they produced showed only modest signs of updating. The schemas drafted by the preparatory commission for theology, dominated by officials of the Holy Office (the curial department for theological orthodoxy) showed no signs of aggiornamento at all. The two notable exceptions were the preparatory commission for liturgy and the Secretariat for Christian unity, whose schemas were very much in the spirit of renewal.

In addition to these specialist commissions and secretariats, there was a Central Preparatory Commission, to which all the schemas had to be submitted for final approval. It was a large body of 108 members from 57 countries,^[30] including two thirds of the cardinals. As a result of its work, 22 schemas were eliminated from the conciliar agenda, mainly because they could be dealt with during a planned revision of the 1917 Code of Canon Law after the council, and a number of schemas were consolidated and merged, with the result that the total number of schemas was whittled down from 70 to 22.

Paragraph numbers in this section refer to the Council Regulations published in the motu proprio Appropinquante concilio, of 6 August 1962.^[31]

Council Fathers (§1). All the bishops of the world, as well as the heads of the main religious orders of men, were entitled to be "Council Fathers", that is, full participants with the right to speak and vote. Their number was about 2,900, though some 500 of them would be unable to attend, either for reasons of health or old age, or because the Communist authorities of their country would not let them travel. The Council Fathers in attendance represented 79 countries: 38% were from Europe, 31% from the Americas, 20% from Asia & Oceania, and 10% from Africa. (At Vatican I a century earlier there were 737 Council Fathers, mostly from Europe^[32]). At Vatican II, some 250 bishops were native-born Asians and Africans, whereas at Vatican I, there were none at all.

General Congregations (§3, 20, 33, 38–39, 52–63). The Council Fathers met in daily sittings – known as General Congregations – to discuss the schemas and vote on them. These sittings took place in St. Peter's Basilica every morning until 12:30 Monday to Saturday (except Thursday). The average daily attendance was about 2,200. Stands with tiers of seats for all the Council Fathers had been built on both sides of the central nave of St. Peter's. During the first session, a council of presidents, of 10 cardinals,^[33] was responsible for presiding over the general assemblies, its members taking turns chairing each day's sitting (§4). During the later sessions, this task belonged to a council of 4 Moderators.^[31]

All votes required a two-thirds majority. For each schema, after a preliminary discussion there was a vote whether it was considered acceptable in principle, or rejected. If acceptable, debate continued with votes on individual chapters and paragraphs. Bishops could submit amendments, which were then written into the schema if they were requested by many bishops. Votes continued in this way until wide agreement was reached, after which there was a final vote on a document. This was followed some days later by a public session where the Pope promulgated the document as the official teaching of the council, following another, ceremonial, vote of the Council Fathers. There was an unwritten rule that, in order to be considered official Church teaching, a document had to receive an overwhelming majority of votes, somewhere in the area of 90%. This led to many compromises, as well as formulations that were broad enough to be acceptable by people on either side of an issue.^[31]

All General Congregations were closed to the public. Council Fathers were under an obligation not to reveal anything that went on in the daily sittings (§26).^[31] Secrecy soon broke down, and much information about the daily General Congregations was leaked to the press.

The Pope did not attend General Congregations, but followed the deliberations on closed-circuit television.

Public Sessions (§2, 44–51). These were similar to General Congregations, except that they were open to the press and television, and the Pope was present. There were 10 public sessions in the course of the council: the opening day of each of the council's four periods, 5 days when the Pope promulgated Council documents, and the final day of the council.^[31]

Commissions (§5–6, 64–70). Much of the detailed work of the council was done in these commissions.^{[34][35][36][37][38]} Like the preparatory commissions during the preparatory period, they were 10 in number, each covering the same area of Church life as a particular curial department and chaired by the cardinal who headed that department:^[31]

• Commission on the Doctrine of Faith and Morals: president Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani;
• Commission on Bishops and the Governance of Dioceses: president Cardinal Paolo Marella;
• Commission on the Eastern Churches: president Cardinal Amleto Giovanni Cicognani;
• Commission on the Discipline of the Sacraments: president Cardinal Benedetto Aloisi Masella;
• Commission for the Discipline of the Clergy and the Christian People: president Cardinal Pietro Ciriaci;
• Commission for Religious: president Cardinal Ildebrando Antoniutti;
• Commission on the Sacred Liturgy: president Cardinal Arcadio Larraona;
• Commission for the Missions: president Cardinal Gregorio Pietro XV Agagianian;
• Commission on Seminaries, Studies, and Catholic Education: president Cardinal Giuseppe Pizzardo;
• Commission for the Lay Apostolate and for the Media: president Cardinal Fernando Cento.

Each commission included 25 Council Fathers (16 elected by the council and 9 appointed by the Pope) as well as consultors (official periti appointed by the pope). In addition, the Secretariat for Promoting Christian Unity, appointed during the preparatory period, continued to exist under its president Cardinal Augustin Bea throughout the 4 years of the council, with the same powers as a commission. The commissions were tasked with revising the schemas as Council Fathers submitted amendments. They met in the afternoons or evenings. Procedure was more informal than in the general assemblies: there was spontaneous debate, sometimes heated, and Latin was not the only language used. Like the General Congregations, they were closed to the public and subject to the same rules of secrecy.

Official Periti (§9–10). These experts in theology, canon law and other areas were appointed by the Pope to advise the Council Fathers, and were assigned as consultors to the commissions, where they were an important part in re-writing the council documents. At the beginning of the council, there were 224 official periti, but their number would eventually rise to 480. They could attend the debates in the General Congregations, but could not speak. The theologians who had been silenced during the 1940s and 1950s, such as Yves Congar and Henri de Lubac, and some theologians who were under suspicion in Roman circles at the beginning of the 1960s, such as Karl Rahner and Hans Küng, were appointed periti because of their expertise. Their appointment served to vindicate their ideas and gave them a platform from which they could work to further their views.^[31]

Private Periti (§11). Each bishop was allowed to bring along a personal theological adviser of his choice. Known as "private periti", they were not official Council participants and could not attend General Congregations or commission meetings. But like the official periti, they gave informal teachings to groups of bishops, bringing them up to date on developments in their particular area of expertise. Karl Rahner, Joseph Ratzinger and Hans Küng first went to the council as some bishop's personal theologian, and were later appointed official periti. Some notable theologians, such as Edward Schillebeeckx, remained private periti for the whole duration of the council.

Observers (§18) . An important innovation was the invitation by Pope John to Orthodox and Protestant Churches to send observers to the council. Eventually 21 denominations or bodies such as the World Council of Churches were represented.^{[39][32][40][b]} The observers were entitled to sit in on all general assemblies (but not the commissions) and they mingled with the Council Fathers during the breaks and let them know their reactions to speeches or to schemas. Pope Paul VI welcomed their participation "with gratitude and respect".^{[10]: Paragraph 112} Their presence helped to break down centuries of mistrust.^{[citation needed]}

Lay auditors. While not provided for in the Official Regulations, a small number of lay people were invited to attend as "auditors" beginning with the Second Session. While not allowed to take part in debate, a few of them were asked to address the council about their concerns as lay people. The first auditors were all male, but beginning with the third session, a number of women were also appointed.

In the very first weeks of the council proceedings, it became clear to the participants that there were two "tendencies" among the Council Fathers, those who were supporters of aggiornamento and renewal, and those who were not.^[42][43] The two tendencies had already appeared in the deliberations of the Central Preparatory Commission before the opening of the council.^[44]

In addition to popes John XXIII and Paul VI, these were the prominent contributors at the council:

Prominent Conservative Bishops at the Council^[45]

• Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani: secretary of the Holy Office
• Cardinal Michael Browne OP: professor at the Angelicum and consultor for the Holy Office.
• Cardinal Giuseppe Siri: archbishop of Genoa, president of the Italian Bishops' Conference.
• Cardinal Ernesto Ruffini: archbishop of Palermo.
• Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre CSSp: superior-general of the Congregation of the Holy Spirit; at the council, president of the Coetus Internationalis Patrum ("International Group of Fathers"), the bloc of conservative Council Fathers

Prominent Reformist Bishops at the Council^[46]

• Cardinal Augustin Bea SJ: president of the Secretariat for Promoting Christian Unity
• Patriarch Maximos IV Sayegh: patriarch of the Melkite Greek Catholic Church
• Cardinal Achille Liénart: bishop of Lille (France), the senior French bishop
• Cardinal Josef Frings: archbishop of Cologne (Germany), the senior German bishop
• Cardinal Bernardus Alfrink: archbishop of Utrecht (Netherlands), the senior Dutch bishop
• Cardinal Leo Jozef Suenens: archbishop of Mechelen-Brussels (Belgium), the senior Belgian bishop
• Cardinal Franz König, archbishop of Vienna (Austria), the senior Austrian bishop
• Cardinal Giacomo Lercaro: archbishop of Bologna (Italy)
• Cardinal Paul-Émile Léger: archbishop of Montreal (Canada)
• Cardinal Julius Döpfner: archbishop of Munich and Freising (Germany)
• Archbishop Pietro Sfair: titular archbishop of Nisibis dei Maroniti (Lebanon), the senior Maronite bishop

Prominent reformist theologians at the Council^[47]

• Marie-Dominique Chenu OP: private peritus
• Henri de Lubac SJ: official peritus
• Yves Congar OP: official peritus
• Karl Rahner SJ: official peritus
• John Courtney Murray SJ: official peritus
• Bernhard Häring CSsR: official peritus
• Edward Schillebeeckx OP: private peritus
• Joseph Ratzinger (later Pope Benedict XVI): official peritus
• Hans Küng: official peritus

The council was opened on 11 October 1962 by Pope John XXIII with his opening address Gaudet Mater Ecclesia ("Mother Church Rejoices") at St. Peter's Basilica.^[48][49] The next few days, from 13 October to 16 October, saw the election of the members of the 10 conciliar commissions, with candidates being drawn from national groups.^[50][51][52] The first schema was discussed on 22 October, involving liturgy, and debate lasted for 15 days before being accepted in principle and returned to the commission.^[53][54] The schema on revelation was debated for six days before being put to a vote on 20 November, where 62% of the participants voted to reject the schema, yet this was short of the two-thirds majority needed.^[55] The schema was resolved on the next day when Pope John announced that it would undergo revision by a special joint commission representing the conservative and renewal tendencies.^[56][57] The schema on the modern means of communication was accepted in principle on 27 November, and was returned to the commission to only pertain to essential principles.^[58] The schema on unity with the Eastern Orthodox, one of three that were on ecumenism, was ordered to be merged with two other documents on Christian unity by the Council Fathers.^[58] Discussion of the schema on the church began on 1 December, with only a week left before the end of the scheduled first session,^[59] but on the day before the scheduled vote on acceptance in principle, Pope John appointed a special commission to rewrite the schemas to more closely resemble his outlined vision from his opening address.^[60] With only 5 of the 22 schemas having been reviewed up to this point, the first period of the council ended on 8 December.

Vatican II's teaching is contained in sixteen documents: 4 constitutions, 9 decrees and 3 declarations. While the constitutions are clearly the documents of the highest importance, "the distinction between decrees and declarations, no matter what it originally meant, has become meaningless".^[61]

For each document, approval of the final text was followed a few days later by the pope's promulgation of the document as the Church's official teaching. On the day of promulgation, there was a second vote of approval by the Council Fathers: it was "basically ceremonial"^[62] since the document's final text had already been approved a few days earlier. It is this earlier vote that best indicates the degree of support for, or opposition to, the document. Most documents were approved by overwhelming margins. In only 6 cases were the negative votes in the triple digits. In 3 of these cases (Church and Modern World, Non-Christian Religions and Religious Freedom), 10% to 12% of the Fathers rejected the document on theological grounds. In 2 other cases (Media and Christian Education), the negative votes mostly expressed disappointment in a bland text, rather than opposition.

Sacrosanctum Concilium, the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, was the blueprint for an extensive reform of the Western liturgy.

Chapter 1 of the Constitution set out principles to guide this reform:^[87]

• The Paschal mystery of Christ's death and resurrection is made present to us through the liturgy, which is a communal celebration and not just the action of the priest (SC 7). Each person present participates in it according to his/her role (SC 28, 29).
• Christ is present to us not only under the appearance of bread and wine, but also in the Word of God, in the person of the priest and in the gathered assembly (SC 7).
• "The liturgy is the summit toward which the activity of the Church is directed; at the same time it is the font from which all her power flows" (SC 10).
• "In the restoration and promotion of the sacred liturgy, [...] full and active participation by all the people is the aim to be considered before all else" (SC 14).
• In order to be better understood, the rites should be simplified and a limited use of the vernacular is permitted, but the use of Latin is to be preserved (SC 36).
• There needs to be more reading from holy scripture, and it is to be more varied and suitable (SC 35).
• A certain degree of local adaptation is permissible (SC 37-40).

Chapter 2: Mass.^[88] The Eucharist is both the sacrifice of Christ's body and blood and a paschal banquet (SC 47). In addition to repeating the need for active participation (SC 47), simplification of the rites (SC 50) and a greater variety of Scripture readings (SC 51), the chapter decrees that certain practices that had disappeared, such as the prayer of the faithful (SC 53), concelebration (SC 57), and communion under both kinds for the laity (SC 55), are to be restored under certain conditions, and that the homily should be a commentary on the Scripture readings (SC 52).

Chapter 3: Sacraments.^[89] The rite of each sacrament is to be simplified in order to make its meaning clear (SC 62); the catechumenate is to be restored for adult baptism (SC 64); the link between confirmation and baptism is to be made clear (SC 71); the sacrament then called extreme unction is to become a sacrament for those who are seriously ill (anointing of the sick) and not just of those who are on the point of death (SC 73-5); funerals are to focus on the hope of the resurrection and not on mourning (SC 81), and local cultural practices may be included in the celebration of some sacraments such as weddings (SC 63).

Chapters 4 to 7^[90] provide that the divine office (now called Liturgy of the Hours) is to be adapted to modern conditions by reducing its length for those in active ministry (SC 97), that the calendar is to be revised to give Sunday and the mysteries of Christ priority over saints' days (SC 108), and that, while traditional music forms such as Gregorian chant (SC 116) and organ music (SC 120) are to be preserved, congregational singing is to be encouraged (SC 114) and the use of other instruments is permissible (SC 120).

The Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy launched the most extensive revision of the liturgy in the history of the Church.^[40]

The invitation for more active, conscious participation of the laity through Mass in the vernacular did not stop with the constitution on the liturgy. It was taken up by the later documents of the council that called for a more active participation of the laity in the life of the Church.^[91] Pope Francis referred to a turn away from clericalism toward a new age of the laity.^[92]

The Dogmatic Constitution on the Church Lumen gentium ('Light of the Nations') gave direction to several of the documents that followed it, including those on Ecumenism, on Non-Christian Religions, on Religious Freedom, and on The Church in the Modern World (see below). According to Paul VI, "the most characteristic and ultimate purpose of the teachings of the Council" is the universal call to holiness.^[93] John Paul II calls this "an intrinsic and essential aspect of [the council Fathers'] teaching on the Church",^[94] where "all the faithful of Christ of whatever rank or status, are called to the fullness of the Christian life and to the perfection of charity" (Lumen gentium, 40). Francis, in his apostolic letter Evangelii Gaudium (17) which laid out the programmatic for his pontificate, said that "on the basis of the teaching of the Dogmatic Constitution Lumen Gentium" he would discuss the entire People of God which evangelizes, missionary outreach, the inclusion of the poor in society, and peace and dialogue within society. Francis has also followed the call of the council for a more collegial style of leadership, through synods of bishops and through his personal use of a worldwide advisory council of eight cardinals.^[95][96]

A most contentious conclusion that seems to follow from the Bishops' teaching in the decree is that while "in some sense other Christian communities are institutionally defective," these communities can "in some cases be more effective as vehicles of grace."^[97] Belgian Bishop Emil de Smedt, commenting on institutional defects that had crept into the Catholic church, "contrasted the hierarchical model of the church that embodied the triad of 'clericalism, legalism, and triumphalism' with one that emphasized the 'people of God', filled with the gifts of the Holy Spirit and radically equal in grace," that was extolled in Lumen Gentium.^[98]

The council's document Dei Verbum ("The Word of God") states the principle active in the other council documents that "The study of the sacred page is, as it were, the soul of sacred theology".^[99] It is said of Dei Verbum that "arguably it is the most seminal of all the conciliar documents," with the fruits of a return to the Bible as the foundation of Christian life and teaching, evident in the other council documents.^[100] Joseph Ratzinger, who would become Benedict XVI, said of the emphasis on the Bible in the council that prior to Vatican II the theology manuals continued to confuse "propositions about revelation with the content of revelation. It represented not abiding truths of faith, but rather the peculiar characteristics of post-Reformation polemic."^[101] In spite of the guarded approval of biblical scholarship under Pius XII, scholars suspected of Modernism were silenced right up to Vatican II.^[102] The council brought a definitive end to the Counter-Reformation and, in a spirit of aggiornamento, reached back "behind St. Thomas himself and the Fathers, to the biblical theology which governs the first two chapters of the Constitution on the Church."^[103] "The documents of the Second Vatican Council are shot through with the language of the Bible. ...The church's historical journey away from its earlier focus upon these sources was reversed at Vatican II." For instance, the council's document on the liturgy called for a broader use of liturgical texts, which would now be in the vernacular, along with more enlightened preaching on the Bible explaining "the love affair between God and humankind".^[104] The translation of liturgical texts into vernacular languages, the allowance of communion under both kinds for the laity, and the expansion of Scripture readings during the Mass was resonant with the sensibilities of other Christian denominations, thus making the Second Vatican Council "a milestone for Catholic, Protestants, [and] the Orthodox".^[40]

This document, named for its first words Gaudium et Spes ("Joy and Hope"), built on Lumen Gentium's understanding of the Church as the "pilgrim people of God" and as "communion", aware of the long history of the Church's teaching and in touch with what it calls the "signs of the times". It reflects the understanding that Baptism confers on all the task that Jesus entrusted to the Church, to be on mission to the world in ways that the present age can understand, in cooperation with the ongoing work of the Spirit.

These seven documents apply the teaching contained in the Constitution on the Church Lumen gentium to the various categories of people in the Church – bishops, priests, religious, laity, Eastern Catholics – and to Christian education.

The Pastoral Office of Bishops – The decree Christus Dominus ("Christ the Lord", 1965) deals with practical matters concerning bishops and dioceses, on the basis of the theology of the episcopate found in chapter 3 of Lumen gentium, including collegiality. It deals with the three levels where a bishop exercises his ministry: the universal Church, his own diocese and the national or regional level.^[105]

• The universal Church (CD 4-10). Since the doctrine of collegiality holds that bishops share with the pope the governance of the universal Church, the decree proposes that there be a council of bishops from around the world to assist the pope in this governance. (It would later be called the Synod of bishops.) And since the true purpose of the Roman Curia is to serve the bishops, it needs to be reorganized and become more international.^[105]
• The diocese (CD 11-35). The decree gives a job description of the bishop in his ministry as teacher, sanctifier and shepherd. It discusses his relationship to the main office-holders in the diocese, and deals with such practical matters as the need to redraw diocesan boundaries as a result of shifts in population.^[106]
• The national or regional level (CD 36-44). The decree stresses the need for an intermediate level between the universal Church and the individual diocese: this is the national (or regional) episcopal conference, an institution which did not exist in all countries at the time.^[107]

The Ministry and Life of Priests – The decree Presbyterorum ordinis ("The order of priests", 1965) describes priests as "father and teacher" but also "brothers among brothers with all those who have been reborn at the baptismal font." Priests must "promote the dignity" of the laity, "willingly listen" to them, acknowledge and diligently foster "exalted charisms of the laity", and "entrust to the laity duties in the service of the Church, allowing them freedom and room for action." Also, the human and spiritual needs of priests are discussed in detail.

Priestly Training – The decree Optatam totius ("Desired [renewal] of the whole [Church]", 1965) seeks to adapt the training of priests to modern conditions. While some of the points made in the decree are quite traditional, such as the insistence that seminaries remain the main place for priestly training, there are interesting proposals for adaptation to new conditions. The first is that instead of having the program of formation set for the whole Catholic world by the Congregation for Seminaries and Universities in Rome, the bishops of each country may devise a program that is adapted to the needs of their particular country (though it still needs Rome's approval). Another is that training for the priesthood has to integrate 3 dimensions: spiritual, intellectual and pastoral.^[108]

Spiritual formation aims to produce a mature minister, and to this end may call on the resources of psychology. There are many proposals for improving intellectual formation: the use of modern teaching methods; a better integration of philosophy and theology; the centrality of Scripture in theological studies; knowledge of other religions. Pastoral formation should be present throughout the course of studies and should include practical experience of ministry. Finally, there should be ongoing formation after ordination.^[109]

The Adaptation and Renewal of Religious Life – The decree Perfectae Caritatis ("Of perfect charity", 1965) deals with the adaptation of religious life to modern conditions. The decree presupposes the theology of the religious life found in chapter 6 of the Constitution on the Church (Lumen Gentium), to which it adds guidelines for renewal. The two basic principles that should guide this renewal are: "the constant return [...] to the original spirit of the institutes and their adaptation to the changed conditions of our time" (PC 2).^[110] The decree deals mainly with religious orders, also known as religious institutes (whose members take vows and live a communal life), but touches also societies of common life (whose members take no vows but live a communal life) and secular institutes (whose members take vows but do not share a communal life).^[111]

The decree restates well-known views on the religious life, such as the consecrated life as a life of following Christ, the importance of the three vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, and the importance of charity in the life of an order.^[112] To these it adds a call for every order, whether contemplative or active, to renew itself, as well as specific proposals for adaptation to new conditions, such as the simplification of the religious habit, the importance of education for members of all religious orders (and not just priests), and the need for poverty not just for individual members but for each order as a whole.^[113]

The Apostolate of the Laity – The decree Apostolicam actuositatem ("Apostolic Activity", 1965) declares that the apostolate of the laity is "not only to bring the message and grace of Christ to men but also to penetrate and perfect the temporal order with the spirit of the Gospel", in every field of life, together or through various groups, with respectful cooperation with the Church's hierarchy.

The Eastern Catholic Churches – The decree Orientalium Ecclesiarum ("Of the Eastern Churches", 1964) deals with the Eastern Catholic Churches, those communities that are in full union with Rome, but have their own distinctive liturgy, customs (such as married priests) and forms of organization (patriarchs and synods).^[114] The decree states that they are not simply different rites (as they were commonly called previously) but are sui iuris particular Churches along with the much larger Latin Church, and with the same rights as the Latin Church, including the right to govern themselves according to their traditional organizational practices.^[115] The decree affirms certain practices typical of the Eastern Churches, such as the administration of confirmation by priests, as well as the possibility of satisfying Sunday obligation by taking part in the Canonical Hours. It also provides guidelines concerning common worship and shared communion between Eastern Catholics and members of the Eastern Orthodox Church.^[116]

Christian Education – The declaration Gravissimum educationis ("Extreme [importance] of education", 1965)^[117] discusses the importance of education (GE 1), of Christian education (GE 2-7), of Catholic schools (GE 8-9) and of Catholic colleges and universities (GE 10-12). Most everything in the declaration had been said many times before: the Church has the right to establish Catholic schools; parents have the right to choose the education they want for their children, governments have a duty to fund Catholic schools; and Catholics have a duty to support Catholic schools.^[118]

Many observers found the declaration disappointing: "Even at the last minute, dissatisfaction with the text was widespread and wide-ranging".^[119] It was called "probably the most inferior document produced by the Council".^[120] But as it was late in the 4th session when everyone was under pressure to bring the council's business to a close, most bishops chose to vote for the text, though close to 9% rejected it.

These 5 documents deal with the Church in its relationship with the surrounding world: other religious groups – non-Catholic Christians, non-Christians – missionary outreach, religious freedom, and the media. Three of them – on ecumenism, non-Christian religions and religious freedom – were important advances in the Church's teaching.

Mission Activity – The decree Ad gentes ("To the Nations", 1965) treats evangelization as the fundamental mission of the Catholic Church, "to bring good news to the poor." It includes sections on training missionaries and on forming communities.

Ecumenism – The decree Unitatis redintegratio ("Restoration of Unity", 1964) opens with the statement: "The restoration of unity among all Christians is one of the principal concerns of the Second Vatican Council." This was a reversal of the Church's previous position, one of hostility or, at best, indifference to the ecumenical movement, because the Church claimed the only way unity would come about was if the non-Catholics returned to the true Church.^[121] The text produced by the Secretariat for Christian Unity said many things Catholics had not heard before:

Instead of showing hostility or indifference to the ecumenical movement, a movement which originated among Protestant and Orthodox Christians,^[122][123] the decree states it was fostered by the Holy Spirit. Instead of repeating the previous prohibition on Catholics taking part in ecumenical activities, the decree states that a concern for unity is an obligation for all Catholics.^[124]

Instead of claiming that disunity is the fault of non-Catholic Christians, the decree states that the Catholic Church must accept its share of the blame and ask for forgiveness.^[125] Instead of claiming that the Catholic Church is in no need of reform, the decree states that all Christians, including Catholics, must examine their own faithfulness to Christ's will, and undertake whatever internal reforms are called for. Ecumenism requires a new attitude, a "change of heart" (UR 7), an interior conversion, on the part of Catholics.^[126]

Instead of claiming that only the Catholic Church has the means of salvation, the decree states that non-Catholic Christians have many of the elements of the true Church and, thanks to these, they can achieve salvation. All baptized are members of Christ's body. Catholics must get rid of false images of non-Catholics and come to appreciate the riches of their traditions.^[125]

Theological experts from both sides should enter into dialogue, in which each side sets out clearly its understanding of the Gospel. It should be remembered there is a hierarchy of truths, that not all teachings are equally central to the faith.^[127] Christians of various traditions should pray together, though intercommunion is still not possible,^[126] and undertake actions for the common good of humanity.^[127]

The last chapter addresses the situation of the Eastern Orthodox and of Protestants. The Orthodox are very close to the Catholic Church: they have valid sacraments and a valid priesthood, and though their customs and liturgical practices are different, this is not an obstacle to unity. Protestants comprise many denominations and their closeness to the Catholic Church varies according to the denomination; however all of them share with Catholics the belief in Jesus as saviour, the Bible, baptism, worship and the effort to lead a moral life.^[128]

This new way of considering the issue of Church unity met with great approval at the council and was adopted with very few dissenting voices.^[129]

Relation of the Church to Non-Christian Religions – The declaration Nostra aetate ("In our time", 1965), the shortest of Vatican II's documents, is a brief commentary on non-Christian religions, with a special section on the Jews. Pope John wanted the council to condemn antisemitism, including any Catholic teaching that might encourage antisemitism. It was felt that the way to avoid stirring up trouble in the Middle East was to include the passage on the Jews within a broader document about non-Christian religions.^[130]

Avoiding argument or criticism, the declaration points out some positive features of Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam. "The Catholic Church rejects nothing of what is holy and true in these religions"; they often "reflect a ray of that truth which enlightens all men and women" (NA 2).^[131]

As for the Jews, the declaration says they are very dear to God: "God does not take back the gifts He bestowed or the choice He made" (NA 4). Jews are not rejected or cursed by God because of the death of Jesus: neither all Jews then, nor any Jew today, can be blamed for the death of Jesus. The Church deplores all hatred and antisemitism." And the declaration ends with a condemnation of all forms of discrimination based on religion or ethnicity.^[132]

Better Jewish-Catholic relations have been emphasized since the council.^[133][134]

Religious Freedom – The declaration Dignitatis humanae ("Of the Dignity of the Human Person", 1965), "on the right of the person and of communities to social and civil freedom in matters religious", is the most striking instance of the council's staking out a new position.

Traditional Catholic teaching rejected freedom of religion as a basic human right.^[135] The argument: only Catholics have the truth and so they alone are entitled to freedom of belief and of practice. All other religions are in error and, since "error has no rights", other religions have no right to freedom of belief and practice, and Catholic states have the right to suppress them. While it may be prudent to tolerate the existence of other religions in order to avoid civil unrest, this is merely a favour extended to them, not a matter of right. This double standard became increasingly intolerable to many Catholics. Furthermore, Protestants would not believe in the sincerity of Catholics' involvement in ecumenism, if they continued to support this double standard.^[136] Pope John's last encyclical, Pacem in terris (April 1963), listed freedom of religion among the basic human rights – the first papal document to support freedom of religion – and he wanted Vatican II to address the issue.

Dignitatis humanae broke with the traditional position and asserted that every human being was entitled to religious freedom. The argument: belief cannot be coerced. Since the Church wants people's religious belief to be genuine, people must be left free to see the truth of what is preached. The declaration also appealed to revelation: Jesus did not coerce people to accept his teaching, but invited them to believe, and so did his immediate followers.^[137]

Most Council Fathers supported this position, but 11% of them rejected it on the day of the final vote. If this position was true, they said, then the Church's previous teaching was wrong, and this was a conclusion they could not accept. The council's position on religious freedom raised in an acute way the issue of the development of doctrine: how can later teachings develop out of earlier ones? And how to tell whether a new position is a legitimate development of previous teaching or is heresy?^[138]

The Means of Social Communication – The decree Inter mirifica ("Among the wonderful [discoveries]", 1963) addresses issues concerning the press, cinema, television, and other media of communication. Chapter 1 is concerned with the dangers presented by the media, and insists that media producers should ensure that the media offer moral content, that media consumers should avoid media whose content is not moral, and that parents should supervise their children's media consumption. Chapter 2 discusses the usefulness of the media for the Church's mission: Catholic press and cinema should be promoted, and suitable persons within the Church should be trained in the use of the media.^[139]

"The text [is] generally considered to be one of the weakest of the Council."^[140] Rather than improve it, most Council Fathers preferred approving it as is and moving on to more important matters. Some 25% of the Council Fathers voted against it to express their disappointment.

According to theologian Adrian Hastings, the key theological and practical developments due to Vatican II are of 3 kinds:^[141]

1. New general orientations and basic themes found throughout the documents:
   • The Church defined as People of God
   • The Eucharist as centre of the Church and its unity
   • The primacy of Scripture in theory and in practice
   • The beneficial nature of diversity: ecclesial (the Church as a communion of "churches"), liturgical, and theological (diversity "even in the theological elaborations of revealed truth")
   • Other Christians understood as being in [imperfect] communion with the Church
   • The concern for secular human values, with justice and peace.
2. Specific texts that contain a recognizable shift from pre-conciliar teaching:
   • The text on the collegiality of bishops (Lumen Gentium 22)
   • The statement that the unique Church of Christ "subsists" in the Catholic Church (Lumen Gentium 8)
   • The statement that "the Churches of the East, as much as those of the West, fully enjoy the right to rule themselves" (Orientalium Ecclesiarum 5 and Unitatis Redintegratio 16)
   • The recognition and commendation of the ministry of married priests in the Eastern Churches (Presbyterorum Ordinis 16)
   • The recognition that every person has the right to religious freedom (Dignitatis humanae 2)
   • The condemnation of anti-Semitism (Nostra aetate 4)
   • The condemnation of mass destruction in war (Gaudium et spes 80)
   • The statement that "parents themselves should ultimately make the judgment" as to the size of their family (Gaudium et Spes 50).
3. Practical decisions requiring new institutions or new behaviour:
   • The use of the vernacular in the liturgy
   • The restoration of communion under both kinds for the laity
   • The restoration of concelebration
   • The restoration of the diaconate as a permanent order open to married men
   • The [limited] possibility of sharing in the worship (including communion) of a Church other than one's own
   • The instruction to establish national or regional Episcopal Conferences with authority and responsibilities
   • The recommendation to establish an agency of the universal Church to "foster progress in needy regions and social justice on the international scene".

The council addressed relations between the Catholic Church and the modern world.^[142] Several changes resulting from the council include the renewal of consecrated life with a revised charism, ecumenical efforts with other Christian denominations, interfaith dialogue with other religions, and the universal call to holiness, which according to Paul VI was "the most characteristic and ultimate purpose of the teachings of the Council".^[143]

According to Pope Benedict XVI, the most important and essential message of the council was "the Paschal Mystery as the center of what it is to be Christian and therefore of the Christian life, the Christian year, the Christian seasons".^[144] Other changes that followed the council included the widespread use of vernacular languages in the Mass instead of Latin, the allowance of communion under both kinds for the laity, the subtle disuse of ornate clerical regalia, the revision of Eucharistic (liturgical) prayers, the abbreviation of the liturgical calendar, the ability to celebrate the Mass versus populum (with the officiant facing the congregation), as well as ad orientem (facing the "East" and the Crucifix), and modern aesthetic changes encompassing contemporary Catholic liturgical music and artwork.^[40] With many of these changes resonating with the perspectives of other Christian denominations who sent observers to the Second Vatican Council, it was an ecumenical "milestone for Catholics, Protestants, [and] the Orthodox".^[40] These changes, while praised by many faithful Catholics,^[145] remain divisive among those identifying as traditionalist Catholics.^[146][c]

Dignitatis humanae, authored largely by United States theologian John Courtney Murray, challenged the council fathers to find "reasons for religious freedom" in which they believed,^[147]: 8 and drew from scripture scholar John L. McKenzie the comment: "The Church can survive the disorder of development better than she can stand the living death of organized immobility."^[147]: 106

As a result of the reforms of Vatican II, on 15 August 1972 Paul issued the motu proprio Ministeria Quaedam which in effect suppressed the minor orders and replaced them with two instituted ministries, those of lector and acolyte. A major difference was: "Ministries may be assigned to lay Christians; hence they are no longer to be considered as reserved to candidates for the sacrament of orders."^[148]

Some Traditionalist Catholics claim that several council statements conflict with established teaching regarding faith, morals and doctrine, and are therefore in error.^[149] As a result, they say, Vatican II is invalid.

The largest of the traditionalist groups rejecting the validity of Vatican II is the Society of Saint Pius X (SSPX), which recognizes the authority of the Pope but rejects the validity of the Second Vatican Council. In 1988, the SSPX faced a conflict with Pope John Paul II over the consecration of bishops (Écône consecrations), which led to disputed canonical sanctions. This event has been a subject of ongoing debate within the Catholic community regarding the validity of any purported excommunications.^{[150][151][152]}

Other groups have gone further than the SSPX and have declared that the Holy See has been vacant since the death of Pope Pius XII (sedevacantism) or that all the Pontiffs since Pope John XXIII are popes materially but not formally (sedeprivationism). The most notable of these groups are the Congregation of Mary Immaculate Queen and the Institute Mater Boni Consilii.^[153][154]

Since Vatican II issued no dogmatic definitions or anathemas, in accordance with the wishes of Pope John XXIII expressed particularly in his opening address to the Council,^[48] it would be easy to conclude that, apart from where it repeats teaching that was already infallible before the Council, the Council's teaching is not binding, and that a Catholic is free to accept it or reject it.

This issue was addressed by Pope Paul VI five weeks after the end of the council in the talk he gave at his general audience of 12 January 1966:^[155]

There are those who ask what is the authority, the theological qualification, that the Council wished to attribute to its teachings, knowing that it avoided giving solemn dogmatic definitions engaging the infallibility of the ecclesiastical magisterium. And the answer is known to those who recall the conciliar declaration of March 6, 1964, repeated on November 16, 1964: given the pastoral character of the Council, it avoided proclaiming in an extraordinary way dogmas endowed with the note of infallibility; but it nevertheless endowed its teachings with the authority of the supreme ordinary magisterium, and this ordinary – and obviously authentic – magisterium must be accepted docilely and sincerely by all the faithful, according to the mind of the Council regarding the nature and purposes of the individual documents.

The issue is also addressed by the Code of Canon Law. While the 1917 Code of Canon Law, in force in the Latin Church at the time of the council, simply stated "An Ecumenical Council enjoys supreme power over the universal Church,"^[156] the 1983 Code of Canon Law states that Catholics may not disregard the teaching of an ecumenical council even if it does not propose its teaching as definitive:^[157]

Although not an assent of faith, a religious submission of the intellect and will must be given to a Doctrine which the Supreme Pontiff or the College of Bishops declares concerning faith or morals when they exercise the authentic Magisterium, even if they do not intend to proclaim it by definitive act; therefore, the Christian faithful are to take care to avoid those things which do not agree with it.

By "the spirit of Vatican II" is often meant promoting teachings and intentions attributed to the Second Vatican Council in ways not limited to literal readings of its documents, spoken of as the "letter" of the council^[158][159] (cf. Saint Paul's phrase, "the letter kills, but the Spirit gives life"^[160]). However, Cardinal Joseph Zen has pushed back, that "it is nonsense to talk about the spirit of the Council, if you ignore the Documents of the Council."^[161]

Academic Michael Novak who had covered Vatican II as a journalist^[162] described it as a spirit that

sometimes soared far beyond the actual, hard-won documents and decisions of Vatican II. ...It was as though the world (or at least the history of the Church) were now to be divided into only two periods, pre-Vatican II and post-Vatican II. Everything "pre" was then pretty much dismissed, so far as its authority mattered. For the most extreme, to be a Catholic now meant to believe more or less anything one wished to believe, or at least in the sense in which one personally interpreted it. One could be a Catholic "in spirit". One could take Catholic to mean the 'culture' in which one was born, rather than to mean a creed making objective and rigorous demands. One could imagine Rome as a distant and irrelevant anachronism, embarrassment, even adversary. Rome as "them".

From another perspective, Church historian John W. O'Malley wrote:^[3]

For the new churches it recommended adaptation to local cultures, including philosophical and theological adaptation. It also recommended that Catholic missionaries seek ways of cooperating with missionaries of other faiths and of fostering harmonious relations with them. It asserted that art from every race and country be given scope in the liturgy of the church. More generally, it made clear that the church was sympathetic to the way of life of different peoples and races and was ready to appropriate aspects of different cultural traditions. Though obvious-sounding, these provisions were portentous. Where would they lead?

Of those who took part in the council's opening session, four later became pope:^[163][164]

• Cardinal Giovanni Montini, who on succeeding John XXIII took the name Paul VI
• Bishop Albino Luciani, the future John Paul I
• Bishop Karol Wojtyła, who became John Paul II
• Father Joseph Ratzinger, present as a theological consultant, who became Benedict XVI.^[165]

A number of those involved in Vatican II as pope, council father, peritus or official observer have been canonized or beatified, or are in the process of canonization.

Canonized saints:

• John XXIII, pope who called for the council and presided over it first (thus his feast day is the same date as the opening date of Vatican II)
• Paul VI, second pope of the council
• John Paul II, council father as Bishop Karol Wojtyła

Beatified:

• John Paul I, council father as Bishop Albino Luciani
• Álvaro del Portillo, council father
• Enrique Angelelli, council father

Process ongoing:

• Fulton J. Sheen, council father
• Terence Cooke, council father
• Frank Duff, observer

• Acta synodalia sacrosancti concilii oecumenici Vaticani II. Typis polyglottis Vaticani. 1970–1991. 31 folios. (Official record of daily proceedings during Vatican II, in Latin) Available online at https://archive.org/details/second-vatican-council
• Alberigo, Giuseppe (1995). "The Announcement of the Council: From the Security of the Fortress to the Lure of the Quest". In Alberigo, Giuseppe; Komonchak, Joseph A. (eds.). History of Vatican II. Vol. I. Peeters and Orbis. pp. 1–54.
• Alberigo, Giuseppe (2006), A Brief History of Vatican II, translated by Sherry, Matthew, Maryknoll: Orbis Books, ISBN 1-57075-638-4
• Fouilloux, Étienne (1995). "The Antepreparatory Phase: the Slow Emergence from Inertia (January 1959–October 1962)". In Alberigo, Giuseppe; Komonchak, Joseph (eds.). History of Vatican II. Vol. I. Peeters & Orbis. pp. 55–166.
• Hahnenberg, Edward (2007), A Concise Guide to the Documents of Vatican II, City: Saint Anthony Messenger Press, ISBN 978-0-86716-552-4
• Hastings, Adrian (1991). "The Key Texts". In Hastings, Adrian (ed.). Modern Catholicism: Vatican II and After. SPCK. pp. 56–67.
• Heraty, J, ed. (1967), "Vatican Council II", New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. XIV, Faculty of Catholic University of America (1 ed.), New York: McGraw-Hill, ISBN 978-0-07-010235-4, OCLC 34184550
• Laurentin, René (1962). L'enjeu du concile. Paris: Centurion.
• O'Malley, John W. (2008). What Happened at Vatican II. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-04749-5.
• Raguer, Hilari (1997). "Profile of the Assembly". In Alberigo; Komonchak, Joseph A. (eds.). History of Vatican II. Vol. II. Peeters & Orbis. pp. 169–232.
• Ratzinger, Joseph (2009). Theological Highlights of Vatican II. New York: Paulist Press.
• Ricciardi, Andrea (1997). "The Tumultuous Opening Days of the Council". In Alberigo, Giuseppe; Komonchak, Joseph A. (eds.). History of Vatican II. Vol. II. Peeters & Orbis. pp. 1–68.
• Rynne, Xavier (1999). Vatican Council II. Orbis Books. ISBN 1-57075-293-1.
• Sullivan, Maureen (2002), 101 Questions and Answers on Vatican II, New York: Paulist Press, ISBN 0-8091-4133-7
• Vorgrimler, Herbert (1989), Commentaries on the Documents of the Council, Crossroad Publishing Company, ISBN 978-0-8245-0979-8
• Wenger, Antoine (1963). Vatican II. Première session. Paris: Centurion.
• Wiltgen, Ralph M. (2014). The Inside Story of Vatican II. TAN books. ISBN 978-0-89555-186-3. Formerly titled The Rhine Flows into the Tiber: a History of Vatican II (1967)
• Wittstadt, Klaus (1995). "On the Eve of the Second Vatican Council (July 1–October 10, 1962)". In Alberigo, Giuseppe; Komonchak, Joseph A. (eds.). History of Vatican II. Vol. I. Peeters & Orbis. pp. 405–500.

• Documents of the Second Vatican Council at Vatican.va